BROKEN BADGE: Why Urgent Reforms Are Needed to Rebuild the Kenyan People – Police Relationship Before It’s Too Late

The relationship between Kenyan citizens and the police force has deteriorated to dangerous levels. At the heart of the mistrust lies a deeply entrenched perception that the police no longer serve the people but instead operate as the enforcers of an elite political class. This perception is not born out of imagination—it is grounded in countless lived experiences, injustices, and systemic failures that have compounded over decades. Today, we are standing on the precipice of chaos, where communities no longer see police stations as havens of safety but as outposts of oppression.

According to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) 2023 annual report, complaints against police misconduct rose by over 30%. Brutality, enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, and arbitrary arrests were dominant concerns. These figures are not just statistics—they represent broken families, lost lives, and communities in trauma. Yet, despite clear legal frameworks provided under the Constitution of Kenya 2010, especially Article 244, which mandates the police to be professional, lawful, and responsive to the needs of the public, adherence remains superficial.

This growing disconnect has been exacerbated by a string of state-led crackdowns disguised as security operations. For instance, the 2023 protests against the Finance Bill witnessed the deployment of excessive force. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch jointly condemned the actions of police officers, who used live bullets and tear gas on peaceful protestors, resulting in at least 42 deaths and hundreds injured. Such conduct reveals a worrying shift: the use of the police as a blunt political instrument.

The situation is compounded by the politicization of the National Police Service (NPS). While the Constitution sought to delink the police from political manipulation through the establishment of the National Police Service Commission (NPSC) and IPOA, these institutions have largely failed to assert true autonomy. Appointments and promotions continue to be influenced by political loyalty rather than merit or integrity, eroding internal discipline and breeding a culture of impunity.

Take the case of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), which has often been accused of selective investigations. In politically charged seasons, their operations take a noticeable tilt—opposition figures get summoned, while government allies enjoy immunity, despite glaring allegations of corruption or abuse. This undermines the rule of law and distorts justice, making the police appear like mercenaries for the regime in power.

Communities have not remained silent. From burning police vehicles in Kisumu, storming police posts in Mathare, to attacking officers in Kondele, the message is clear—people are angry and no longer view the police as a legitimate authority. While violence cannot be justified, it is a symptom of a collapsing social contract. A state that deploys security forces to silence dissent, instead of addressing grievances, only fuels rebellion.

Read Also: Police Ordered To Arrest Unscrupulous Trader Dealing In Fake KRA Stamps

The National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) in its 2024 brief warned of a growing ethnic and class tension, with police viewed as tools of dominant ethnic-political coalitions. The use of the police to guard illegal evictions, disrupt opposition rallies, and protect corrupt businessmen while ignoring calls for help from slum dwellers or victims of gender-based violence paints a disturbing picture of dual policing—one for the rich and another for the poor.

And this duality is visible in resource allocation, too. Stations in elite suburbs have modern equipment, vehicles, and motivated staff, while those in informal settlements operate without electricity, stationery, or even clean water. Officers posted in hardship areas are overworked, underpaid, and demoralized. They, too, are victims of a system that has failed to reform from within.

Studies by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) show that many officers suffer from untreated trauma, substance abuse, and depression. The suicide rates among police officers have increased dramatically—over 100 cases in 2023 alone. A mentally unwell force cannot serve ethically or effectively. Thus, restoring the people-police relationship is not just about community trust—it’s also about institutional healing.

The introduction of community policing through the Nyumba Kumi initiative was supposed to bridge the gap between citizens and the police. However, it has become a hollow shell, often hijacked by local politicians or security agents who use it to surveil critics rather than foster dialogue. The original idea—to create local accountability mechanisms and early warning systems—has been lost in translation.

Moreover, there is a glaring contradiction between police training and democratic expectations. The police curriculum, although restructured post-2010, still emphasizes command-and-obey models drawn from colonial policing systems rather than civic engagement, negotiation, and mediation. Officers are trained to control, not to communicate. This colonial hangover must end.

The impunity of the police is further protected by a failed prosecution chain. Many cases of police brutality are either not investigated, quietly dropped, or poorly prosecuted. The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) and IPOA have engaged in blame games instead of coordinated justice. This bureaucratic inertia emboldens rogue officers while disempowering victims.

In 2023, the Police Reforms Working Group proposed urgent restructuring of the command system, calling for decentralization, citizen oversight, and a new Police Ombudsman Office. These proposals were shelved under political pressure. Had they been implemented, Kenya might not be on the verge of mass citizen-policeman confrontation.

The failure to insulate the police from the political class is evident in how operations are ordered. Interior Cabinet Secretaries and County Commissioners, who are part of the executive, still issue commands to officers. This breaches constitutional independence. The Inspector General should be the only one authorized to direct operations, but political interference is the norm.

This interference is also seen in budget allocations. Parliamentary security committees, dominated by ruling coalition MPs, influence budgetary decisions that are often skewed to favor certain regions or purposes aligned with political goals. This creates a distorted force where security becomes a reward, not a right.

A true independent police force would prioritize fighting crime, protecting women and children, and securing public infrastructure—not teargassing students or shielding cartels. It would invest in crime intelligence, cyber capabilities, and community liaison units, not just anti-riot gear. The priorities today are warped.

There is also a cultural issue within the police. The “us vs them” mentality is cultivated internally, where civilians are viewed with suspicion and as potential enemies. This undermines the concept of servant leadership and accountability. Officers must be retrained to understand that they are part of the community, not separate from it.

Accountability mechanisms such as body cameras, independent civilian review boards, and mandatory public feedback forums must be institutionalized. Technology can be used to track arrests, use of force, and detention periods. Transparency is not optional in a democracy—it is the cornerstone of trust.

Furthermore, the government must decriminalize poverty. Petty arrests for loitering, idleness, or informal vending are disproportionately targeted at the urban poor, who already suffer economic exclusion. The police are misused to clean up city streets during high-profile visits or elections at the expense of dignity and justice.

Political transitions also shape policing culture. Each new administration resets loyalties. Officers who served previous regimes are purged or sidelined. This politicization encourages sycophancy and weakens institutional memory. We need a permanent police culture built on professionalism, not political convenience.

The media also plays a role in framing the police-citizen dynamic. Often, police narratives dominate headlines without counter-checks from victims or rights organizations. A vibrant, courageous press must hold security agencies accountable, not become their megaphone.

Rebuilding trust will require restorative justice forums where communities and police engage openly. Victims must be heard. Officers must acknowledge harm. Such dialogue is not weakness—it is strength and a step toward reconciliation. Ignoring the pain only deepens the chasm.

The youth, who are the majority, especially in informal settlements, need to see the police not as their enemy but as allies. Youth policing programs, recruitment transparency, and civilian cadet programs can change perceptions from within. Inclusion is critical.

Corruption within the police—from traffic bribes to station-level extortion—has become normalized. This not only affects service delivery but teaches citizens that justice is for sale. The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) must prioritize sting operations within the police ranks and publicize convictions to deter others.

To achieve independence from the political class, Parliament must amend laws to insulate the NPSC and IPOA from budgetary blackmail and political appointments. The President must not have unilateral powers to hire or fire the Inspector General. A bipartisan vetting panel is needed.

At the county level, governors have been known to use police for intimidation. There must be clear guidelines on how county security teams operate and how civilian oversight is structured. Devolution must not become another layer of coercion.

Religious and community leaders can play a role too. They can create safe spaces for dialogue, mediate in tense areas, and guide moral reinvigoration within the force. Policing is not just law enforcement—it is about society’s soul.

If reforms are not enacted swiftly and genuinely, Kenya risks becoming a police state or, worse, a failed state where justice is mob-driven and law enforcement becomes suicidal. The current signs—burning stations, lynched officers, rejected authority—are red alerts.

This is a moment of reckoning. The law exists. The Constitution is clear. What is lacking is political will, moral clarity, and institutional courage. The police must remember: they are not the protectors of the powerful but guardians of the people’s peace.

To restore what is broken, Kenya must humanize its police force and democratize its security logic. Only then can we move from fear to faith, from hostility to harmony, and from tyranny to trust. Anything less is a recipe for national tragedy.

Read Also: The Day Kenyan Police Shocked The World With A Press Release That Was An Insult To The People Of Kenya